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AN10065983V22pp107-120.pdf2.73 MBAdobe PDF見る/開く
タイトル: 修辞疑問文解釈を引き出すインディケータについての一考察
その他のタイトル: Notes on Rhetorical Question Indicators
著者: 後藤, リサ
著者(別表記) : Goto, Risa
著者読み: ごとう, りさ
キーワード: 修辞疑問文; NPI; RQ indicator; minimizer
発行日: 2007年 3月31日
出版者: 奈良女子大学大学院人間文化研究科
引用: 後藤リサ:人間文化研究科年報(奈良女子大学大学院人間文化研究科), Vol. 22, pp.107-119
抄録: Traditional account of the rhetorical question is that '[it] is interrogative in structure, but has the force of a strong assertion' (Quirk et aI. 1985: 825). Generally, a speaker's assertion is of the opposite polarity from what is apparently asked. A positive rhetorical question functions as a strong negative assertion, while a negative question as a strong positive one. A rhetorikal question has a particular intonational contour or a stress on a particular word or a phrase. Such phonetic aspects help a hearer not to misunderstand it as an ordinary question that requires information. Still, although phonetic aspects are part of the essential factors in interpreting interrogative sentences, there are particular words and phrases called RQ (Rhetorical Question) indicators which always trigger rhetorical question reading. Some previous studies claim that the discourse connective after all and Negative Polarity Items such as lift a finger and ever are RQ indicators. The aim of this paper is to discuss whether after all and NPIs actually work. as RQ indicators. To conclude, after all and NPIs such as ever are not RQ indicators, since they can be used for ordinary questions, especially confinnation questions, in which a speaker's assertion is conveyed. On the other hand, NPI minimizers such as lift a finger always work as RQ indicators, since they strongly require negative elements such as no or not. Therefore, without minimizers, distinguishing of rhetorical questions from confinnation questions is totally dependent on contextual information.
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10935/2076
ISSN: 0193-2201
出現コレクション:第22号

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